[Salon] The Port of Beirut disaster: the obfuscation is the story



The Port of Beirut disaster: the obfuscation is the story

Summary: the cause of the 2020 Beirut blast is debated but what is indisputable is that the failure to uncover the truth is denying the people of Lebanon the justice they deserve. 

We thank Arab Digest member Jonathan Campbell-James for today’s article which he wrote in response to our piece published 20 July, 2020. You can find the original article here as well as a subsequent piece (18 October, 2020) here on the attempts by Hezbollah to remove the presiding judge.

The inquiry into the massive explosion on 4 August 2021 on Beirut’s dockside which killed more than 200 people and which has thrown Lebanon ever deeper into a political death spiral rumbles on.  The fourth attempt by sympathisers aligned with Hezbollah and Amal to secure the removal of the inquiry head Judge Tarek Bitar having failed at the beginning of December, former ministers Ghazi Zeaiter and Ali Hasan Khalil succeeded again on 23 December in pausing proceedings, and nobody is holding out much hope that a final report will be issued anytime soon.  After all, it took 11 years for the tribunal investigating the assassination of Prime Minister Rafic Hariri to issue its verdict – and that from the safety of The Hague.  Nonetheless, on most salient issues soundly-evidenced conclusions can now be drawn, notwithstanding the continued manoeuvrings to hide the truth.  Unresolved, the explosion’s aftermath remains the catalyst responsible for a total melt-down of government, benefiting nobody through its disruption of the supply chains and general commerce on which ordinary citizens depend for survival.


The massive explosion on 4 August 2020 killed more than 200 people [photo credit: @MatthieuKaram]

Firstly, the cause of the explosion is clear.  The 2,750 tonnes of ammonium nitrate offloaded from the MV Rhosus was stored in Warehouse 12, the location where customs-confiscated goods are normally impounded.  On its own, ammonium nitrate is a fertiliser, and is not classified as an explosive;  to become so, it has to be mixed with fuel oil or other more volatile explosives.  Even then, when mixed to form an explosive, in normal use it needs a booster charge before it will detonate;  an ordinary detonator is insufficient to initiate an explosion.  Nonetheless, ammonium nitrate on its own and whilst still a fertiliser, is a potentially volatile substance, and in most countries there are safety regulations governing its storage, in particular because it deteriorates in storage and is susceptible to detonation when subject to heat, shock or contamination with other chemicals and materials.

On 4 August, conditions meant that the safety regulations for storing ammonium nitrate were being breached in multiple manners.  The ambient temperature at the time and date of the explosion, reinforced by storage in an unventilated warehouse, would have been at or near the annual peak.  The ammonium nitrate was being stored alongside a consignment of customs- confiscated fireworks.  Apparently, a repair team was conducting welding repairs to the doors of the Warehouse 12.  A fire crew – Platoon 5 from the Beirut Fire Brigade – was called out to deal with a fire in the warehouse created by the welding activity, and before all perished in the subsequent two explosions, reported they were dealing with a fire in the confiscated fireworks.  There was an initial explosion in the fireworks at 18.07, before the catastrophic explosion occurred some 30 seconds later.  The conditions and the sequence of events, plus the reporting of those at the scene before they subsequently were killed, make it absolutely clear that the initial firework fire provided sufficient shock, heat and detonating effect to ignite the ammonium nitrate which because of the storage conditions was already unstable.

The hypothesis that the explosion was the secondary effect of an Israeli attack on a nearby Hezbollah arms store is speculation based on unsubstantiated sources, even if it may be a hypothesis which is attractive to many.  Supposed sightings by witnesses of a missile striking the dock warehousing are not reflected in audio and video footage of the period immediately before and after the explosion, perhaps confused with bird flights in the area.  Moreover, there have been enough Israeli attacks on targets in both Lebanon and Syria in recent years to identify what appear to be quite consistent targeting parameters, namely it seems that there normally needs to be an imminent and direct threat to Israeli safety and security.  To the regret perhaps of some, Israeli attacks are not mounted to protect Syrian civilians from government barrel bombs, nor to advantage one side or other in the ongoing internecine struggles within Lebanon and Syria.  And whilst Israeli attacks in Lebanon and Syria are not officially acknowledged, there is a trademark pattern of leaks, entirely absent in this case, which confirm Israeli involvement even in the most brazen such attacks.

There are however open questions, where evidence is much less clear-cut.

The FBI estimates that only 552 tonnes exploded on 4 August, less than a fifth of 2750 tonnes of ammonium nitrate originally consigned to the warehouse.  ‘Shrinkage’ in dockside warehouses worldwide is not uncommon, but who in this instance profited from the disappearance of over 2000 tonnes of ammonium nitrate?  Was it agricultural merchants selling the fertiliser for agricultural use, with customs officers taking a cut turning a blind eye to the slow leakage?  Or was the Syrian government, via its proxies in Lebanon, using an available source of ammonium nitrate as a feedstock for manufacturing crude explosives?  Production of ammonium nitrate in Syria fell from 87,412 tonnes in 2004 to 16,000 tonnes in 2013, suggesting that by 2014 domestic supply was inadequate.  Technically this drop in output would not have been an insuperable production challenge for the Syrian government in need of crude explosives to overcome, but perhaps it was just simpler to source the material, readily available via their proxies, from the Port of Beirut.

This raises the question as to whether or not the landing and empoundment of the 2,750 tonnes of ammonium nitrate in 2014 was a ruse to get the material close to Syria, avoiding scrutiny or sanctions.  While there is no doubt that MV Rhosus was in an unseaworthy condition, this could have been part of the deception.  On balance, if the Syrian government was always the intended recipient, it would probably have been easier to smuggle the cargo directly into either Tartous or Latakia;  instead, the beneficiaries were probably taking advantage of an opportunity which presented itself.

Linked to the open questions regarding who benefitted from the disappearance of 2000+ tonnes of ammonium nitrate from the warehouse before the explosion, one must ask why any was left in the warehouse by August last year.  Local sources report that between 2014 and 2017 customs officials sent six letters to judges who had ordered the deposition of the ammonium nitrate, asking for disposal instructions and suggesting ways in which this could be achieved;  none of these letters had resulted in any action.  Was the refusal of judges to sanction the safe disposal of the remaining amounts linked to the gains being made by those pilfering the material, whether the ultimate end users were agricultural merchants and farmers, or the Syrian government?

As so often is the case in political cause célèbres, the main interest in this case may not be the answers to these open questions, but more who has been attempting to obstruct Judge Tarek Bitar’s dogged attempts to resolve them.  Quite what these parties seek to hide or to gain by their obfuscation of the judicial review process is unclear, but it is doubtful that any benefit will outweigh the damage being caused to the well-being of the nation.


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